Currently there is a conflict brewing in the mountainous region of Teshair. The Ugyher people are descendants of Russian-Mongol nomads who settled XaiJiang province where they settle as ethnic minorities many of which are Muslims. Islam has thrived in China since the 900 A.D. at the time of c v the Mongol. This article is not about the Uyghur’s, but rather People’s Republic of China and Beijing’s approach to both religion and counter terrorism in a post 9/11 era. This article sheds a light on the approach to both Sino internal counterinsurgency and how it views religion and stability. How does the People’s Communist Party view Islam and religion? In what capacity does the PCR value stability and internal homogony? What are the historical factors that calculate into the history of Islam and China? . China this has not gone unnoticed by People’s Republic of China President Xi Jingping has expanded China’s economic imperialistic range far beyond any his predecessors. China has since tightened ties with Pakistan and agreed to a nuclear proliferation treaty. China’s approach to internal security is neorealist as it focuses on its internal policies. China’s has had a sound relationship with Islam unlike Christianity due its principle philosophy of submission.
How Maoism shapes Beijing’s perspective.
Islam meaning submission unto God dates back to the Ming Dynasties from 1200 to 1600 A.D., assuming the name HuiHui the Quran was officially translated during the period was brought to China during Qing period also known as the Manchu Dynasty from 1600 to 1900 A.D. The idea of submission to God during the era of Mao was and is unacceptable to Beijing. It is in that light that we see that the modern conflict take shape. In the shadow of Mao the only rule is that of the state and of the subjugation is to the will of the state established in Leninism and Stalinism by the doctrine of Karl Marx.” Marx having states that religion is the opium of the people. “It is in that light that Beijing’s become unequivocal and absolute. Though tolerant due to the historical nature as an indigenous religion starting with President Hu Jintao took a hardline against insurrection from the inception of his tenure and such polices have endured to current the current administration of President Xi Jingping.
The People’s Republic of China faces a much more daunting task, that being that internally they must quale what is a perceived rebellion towards the state. The goal being to maintain an internal homogony and eliminate threats to the state. The Offense-defense theory was developed Robert Jervis. This theory has two variants Variant (Threat variant): The greater the security threat states face, the more aggressive they become. “States seek security, and clash because their efforts to secure themselves threaten others’ security.” The search for security causes wars; empires and interventions; and arms races. Corollary: “War is more likely when conquest is easy, less likely when conquest is hard.” Two sub-variants: (a) “States fear conquest and aggress to avert it.” (b) States fear violence against their citizens and aggress to avert it.” Variant #2 (Opportunity variant): The more easily states can conquer, the more aggressive they become. “States seize what their power allows; empires grow and contract as the metropole’s power rises and falls.” A related idea: the “security dilemma.” “The means states use to increase their security decrease the security of others.
Cooperation under the Security Dilemma
As the offense of a state grows stronger, war is more likely to result in either the total victory or total defeat of a state’s army, and less likely to yield stalemate or small changes in territorial holdings. This means that offensive advantages make war less safe for leaders interested in retaining power in a capital city. When defense dominates, leaders can prosecute war “with little fear of being deposed or otherwise subjected by a conquering army. Robert Jervis argued that technological, geographical, and political factors that render offensive operations less costly and more effective tend to make security competition fiercer and wars more likely.
While the basic idea that technology favoring the offense might foster war and have diverse other international effects was not new, Jervis made a more coherent and thorough theoretical argument than had been offered previously, and supported it with a range of suggestive and plausible historical examples. Since “Cooperation under the Security Dilemma,” many international relations scholars (and neorealist in particular) have added the “offense-defense balance” to system polarity as one of the chief independent variables used to explain international outcomes, especially the occurrence of war. And possibly because polarity does not vary much over time, the offense-defense balance has been doing a lot of explanatory and theoretical work in recent realist writings on international politics.
The fundamental goal being to alter the subjugated mentality of a citizen towards the state and away from perceived extreme elements. Beijing must avoid perpetuating the radicalization cycle that is too often associated with the doctrine of false security. China is home to 24 million Muslims and is located in a very mountainous region that is ideal for waging a counterinsurgency. The unilateral practice of religious containment often used in Tibet against the Dali Lama and the Buddhist monks will cause a backlash in the greater Islamic world and more so among the Sunni oil producing nations. China often rely on Pakistan to address such matters publically in the international arena, but their assistance will serve little in an asymmetrical combat scenario. The threat could also expand beyond Asia, thus driving Uyghur Muslims into the arms of groups such as Al Qaeda and Da‘ish (ISIL) and into Central Asia into the Russian hemisphere states such as Tajikistan, Afghanistan and beyond.
In February of 2015 China approved a legal framework for sending troops abroad on counterterror operations in joint forces operations. There isn’t any doubt that this is in response to the development of the Shanghai Security Cooperation a joint security task force established in Central Asia. This also comes in the wake of radical Islamic clashes with the Indonesian government. Article 76 of the draft Chinese anti-terror law comes on the heels of Da’ish also known as ISIL recruiting in central Asia and a project security role in Afghanistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. Most importantly. Article 76 would expand the People’s Republic Army’s role in North Africa since the fall of Mummer Gaddafi the former dictator of Libya Chinese oil refineries and contractors have been subject to raids by splinter Islamic groups. Unlike its neighbor India and Pakistan, China counterinsurgency and counterterror polices are in a phase I –phase II development. President Xi Jingping understands he must address security with the utmost sensitivity due the fragile and significant track record Beijing has taken towards religion specifically Muslim to avoid backlash the energy rich region of the Middle East and North Africa.